LONDON — Hungarians head to the polls on April 12 at a time when many people see politics as their country’s top national problem. The elections are one of the European Union’s most closely watched votes this year, reflecting Hungary’s central role in European affairs.
Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party are seeking a record fifth consecutive victory amid low trust in elections, shifting views of global powers, widespread dissatisfaction with affordable housing and deep divisions on key political issues. They face a tight contest with the opposition Tisza party, led by Peter Magyar.
Hungary Stands Out Globally
For the first time in 2025, Gallup asked the world to name, in their own words, the most important problem facing their country. In Hungary, the top national issue is politics and government, named by more than one in four (28%) adults. This is true in only 11 other countries out of the 138 surveyed, including European countries such as Slovenia, Spain, the Czech Republic, Belgium and the Netherlands.
In Hungary, politics ranks ahead of the economy (23%), the top problem globally, and safety and security (12%).
Majority of Hungarians Think Elections Are Dishonest
Many Hungarians will cast their ballots with doubts about the process. A majority (57%) of adults lack confidence that elections in Hungary are honest, matching other high points in 2023 and 2021. With polls predicting a tight race between Fidesz and Tisza, this could have implications for people’s trust in the outcome.
Hungary is one of four European Union (EU) countries where a minority (40%) thinks elections are honest. Among the 27 EU member states, only Romanians (28%) and Bulgarians (12%) are less trusting of elections than Hungarians are.
The V-Dem Institute has rated Hungary as an “electoral autocracy” since 2018, the first EU member state to be given this classification, due to the limits it places on personal freedoms.
Hungarians Still Lean More to EU Over Russia, but Gap Narrows
Despite its relatively small population, Hungary has an outsized influence on European politics. Hungary has been a repeated thorn in Brussels’ side in recent years, using its veto power to block and delay support for Ukraine. Orban is seen as more aligned with Moscow than any other EU leader, and he has met Russian President Vladimir Putin four times since the war began.
Brussels retains a more positive image than Moscow among Hungarians, though the gap narrowed in 2025. A steady 42% approved of the EU’s leadership last year, while Russia’s approval rating recovered to 29% after falling to a record-low 14% following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Hungarians also give higher approval ratings to Moscow than to Kyiv (20%); the latter’s rating stayed stable and low last year, though both are still low overall.
Satisfaction With Housing Collapses
While political issues dominate national priorities, and concerns about electoral trust are widespread, the elections will also be decided on other issues. As noted, almost one in four adults (23%) name the economy as the top national problem, and affordable housing is central to economic concerns.
Satisfaction with the availability of good, affordable housing in Hungary dropped to 27% last year, continuing a longer-term slide from a high of 58% in 2017. Dissatisfaction reached 60%, the most pessimistic Hungarians have been about their local housing market in the past two decades, despite Orban’s attempts to halt the decline through a new housing subsidy.
Satisfaction dropped to 16% in the capital, Budapest, which is among the lowest of any major city measured by the World Poll in 2025, tied with Thessaloniki (13%), Athens (14%), Istanbul (15%), Ljubljana and Tunis (both 16%).
Many other advanced economies are grappling with problems of housing supply and affordability. However, Hungary has been uniquely hit by rising prices, ranking higher than all other OECD countries on the real house price index in 2024.
Supporters of Main Parties Are Worlds Apart
Hungary is deeply divided along political lines across many issues. Fidesz supporters are far more likely than Tisza supporters to think the media in Hungary have a lot of freedom (88% vs. 17%, respectively) and that elections are honest (84% vs. 12%). They are also more optimistic about local economic conditions (52% vs. 18% getting better), more approving toward Moscow (55% vs. 13%) and more satisfied with affordable housing (40% vs. 18%).
Meanwhile, Tisza supporters are much more likely than Fidesz supporters to see governmental corruption as widespread (94% vs. 38%, respectively), to approve of Brussels (74% vs. 13%) and to see politics as the top national problem (52% vs. 13%).
Hungarians without any political identification (when surveyed in 2025) could hold the keys to power if they turn out in large numbers. On many of these issues of significant polarization, the view of the average nonaligned Hungarian lies closer to the opposition Tisza than to Fidesz.
Bottom Line
Hungary's April 12 elections carry weight well beyond the country's borders. They come at a moment of heightened political concern domestically. Most Hungarians doubt their own elections are honest; many see politics as the dominant national problem; and the country remains deeply divided on almost every key electoral issue.
Should Magyar and Tisza win, the implications for Europe could be far-reaching. An electoral loss for Orban would remove the EU's most persistent internal obstacle to a unified response to Russia's war in Ukraine. A Hungary that moves closer to Brussels and further from Moscow would represent a meaningful shift in the bloc's center of gravity.
Many Hungarians will cast their ballots unsure of whether the outcome will be fair. Nevertheless, the result will shape the future of Hungarian politics and define Europe's direction during a time of flux and geopolitical uncertainty.
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For complete methodology and specific survey dates, please review Gallup's Country Data Set details. Learn more about how the Gallup World Poll works.
